By Aditi Lahiri

Starting from tonogensis, rigidity shift, and volume adjustment of paradigmatic levelling, allomorphy, and grammaticalization, this assortment covers a large speectrum of advancements, basically in Germanice, Romance, and Indo-Aryan.

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Additional info for Analogy, Levelling, Markedness: Principles of Change in Phonology and Morphology

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Harris, James 1983 Spanish Phonology. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Hooper, Joan 1976 An introduction to Natural Generative Phonology. New York: Academic Press. Kiparsky, Paul 1968 Linguistic universals and linguistic change. ), Universals in Linguistic Theory, 171-202. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 1973 Phonological representations. ), Three Dimensions of Linguistic Theory. Tokyo: TEC. 1998 Sievers' Law as prosodic optimization. In: Jay Jasanoff, H. ), Mir Curad. Studies in honor of Calvert Watkins.

We have just seen that the underlying form is /riiki+is/ in both stages. There are two competing realizations, the original *riiki+is and the new riikj+is, of which each satisfies just one of two constraints, STEM-FORM, and *SUPERHEAVY, which imposes a bimoraic foot maximum. ki+is violates STEMFORM, which prohibits a stem from ending in -V, but (in virtue of final C-extrametricality) it fulfills the requirement that syllables be maximally bimoraic. j+is conforms to STEM-FORM but its three-mora first syllable exceeds the syllabic template.

We know from Section 3 that Cj clusters are barred by a more stringent (higher-ranked, in fact undominated) constraint than all other consonant clusters, Cw included. Thus, the analogical changes are blocked by constraints that outrank the constraints that drive them. In this way, the analogical changes are shaped by the interplay of phonological and morphological conditions. STEM-FORM triggers only those analogical changes that its precise position in the ranked constraint system of the language enforces.

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